/int/ - International

-Excerpt from the Wikipedia Page 'Heinrich Himmler'

EARLY LIFE

Heinrich Luitpold Himmler was born in Munich on 7 October 1900 into a conservative middle-class Roman Catholic family. (…)

He attended a grammar school in Landshut, where his father was deputy principal. While he did well in his schoolwork, he initially struggled in athletics. He had poor health, suffering from lifelong stomach complaints and other ailments. Yet, he showed interest in pursuing a degree of physical training to overcome this. In his youth he trained daily with weights and exercised to become stronger. Other boys at the school later remembered him as studious and yet keen to isolate himself in social situations.

Himmler's diary, which he kept intermittently from the age of 10, shows that he took a keen interest in current events, dueling, and "matters regarding the political inefficiency of current parties". In 1915, he began training with the Landshut Cadet Corps. His father used his connections with the royal family to get Himmler accepted as an officer candidate, and he enlisted with the reserve battalion of the 11th Bavarian Regiment in December 1917.

In November 1918, while Himmler was still in training, the war ended with Germany's defeat, denying him the opportunity to become an officer or see combat. Despite this, reports from the training officers confirmed an eager and driven soldier within the deeds and words of the young Himmler. After his discharge on 18 December, he returned to Landshut. After the war, Himmler completed his grammar-school education. From 1919 to 1922, he studied agriculture at the Munich Technische Hochschule (now Heinrich Himmler's Technical University) following a brief apprenticeship on a farm and a brief period of illness.

Despite a rise in antisemitism within Germany around this time period, Heinrich pursued a rather 'disinterested' approach to the issue during his years spent at university, labeling it in his diary as 'a product of a greater issue' and 'the manifestation of bitterness and pursuit of an easy scapegoat'. It would be this very thought that would allow him to coerce a political base through members of the fencing fraternity 'League of Apollo', the President being known as a Jew would be interested by Himmler's own view on the political matter.

It was during this period that Himmler would also 'test the waters' by appearing before masses of peers and debating over the relevance of the 'Stab in the Back' policy, using 'History as his backer' and 'rationality that the enemy could not be an entire ethnic group'. Initially, this garnered the scorn of many of his fellow students and even some teachers, but a growing silent majority would start to grow interested in his point of view. Private debates were mentioned in his diary around 1921, with Himmler confirming that a solid base was being established 'among the enlightened group of Germans that was being groomed into leadership'.


In 1922, Himmler's diary filled with an interest in Norse mythology. Albeit the practice was common for occultists, his perspective was still centered within a degree of rationale: drawing inspiration from a form of 'mythos' familiar to the Germans of old, Himmler tried to 'establish a modern key of lecture within those ancient reads', highlighting how a 'classicist' view on such topic may be the seed of a cultural revival against the decadence of modernity.

Around late 1922, due to the hyper-inflation, Himmler suffered the sudden lack of monetary support from his parents. The diary remains the most faithful account of these events, monitoring a rather upset Heinrich, yet also a man that quickly moved to find occupation to continue his studies through independent working as a farmer manager. With his connections with the Jewish community at the university, Heinrich managed to secure himself a position that paid off most of his expenses, yet forced him to cut many of the excesses within his current life. Such a drastic move would shape his perspective on the necessity of a strong economy to guarantee these 'tragedies' to not unfold once more.

POLITICAL CAREER AND NAZI OPPOSITION

Himmler judged the 1923 Beer Hall Putsch as 'the most jarring moment in German history, barring the Dual Dictatorship of the OHL'. Such a topic was included in the famous 'Speech for Sanity of 1923', where his oratory took a more aggressive and incendiary tone compared to previous speeches, leading to his banning due to the ramifications of his words.

Calling upon a sense of 'just understanding of political and social events', Himmler decried the Nazists as 'the mutation of failing militarists that were riding the high wave of discontent by fueling the most unproven idea that Jews were the problem and them the solution'. He remarked some of his old speeches regarding Ludendorff (his dislike for Hindenburg kept limited to private debates and his diary due to the fear of censorship) and mentioned how the Putsch was akin the 'most disgusting effort ever since the Kapp Putsch of 1920'.

At the wake of this speech, which had been spread widely through Southern Germany through the use of radios, semi-organized groups formed against Nazi remnants. Vandalism, intimidation tactics and even beatings resulted in the presentation of this speech within the national newspapers. Surprisingly enough, many right-wing papers approved of Himmler's words with only a handful of those, known antisemitic ones, were keen to hurl insults at the young man's words.

While the police and the military tried to pin charges on Himmler, the lack of evidence in regard to his active involvement in these attacks and the ensuing speech condemning the act of violence as 'fuel for the ignorants' and proposing the 'legal way of the ballot' as the only viable option prevented any major actions to be taken against him.

In this regard, Himmler started to make plans in regard to forming a political party. His diary had shown an earlier unease in forming a new one rather than 'hijacking' an existing one, but his thought process ultimately led him to consider a new party.

The German National Salvation Party (Deutschnationale Rettung Partei, DNRP) was the result of this process.

With its establishment as a 'Right-wing Germanic Party', the DNRP confirmed itself as the 'non-antisemitic' outlet for any supporter of right-wing politics that weren't dominated by the catholic Zentrum Partei. And while its leadership consisted primarily of Bavarian-born officials, its presence led to quite the shake-up within the May 1924 Elections.

Albeit not planned to reach a considerable amount of seats, both party-members and Himmler's diary confirmed the shock of the DNRP's leader at receiving news that the party won 44 seats. There was a degree of worry in regard to filling those seats, but soon this was solved by carefully vetting individuals that had awareness of national politics.

There was an endeavor from the Zentrum coalition to attain support from Himmler's party, but a refusal was found. Likewise, the DNVP attempted to form a second majority by reaching the DNRP, but they were rebuffed too. Himmler's response to this in a speech around June explained the matter.

"Both of these parties are incompatible with the needs of the people supporting our party. Any coalition with those groups would debase the purpose of our points."

And while a coalition didn't come through the first Marx cabinet, Himmler did in fact vouch for quick actions to employ the Dawes plan as a 'temporary fix' for the economic downturn. Likewise, he supported actions against the rebellious state governments, but was vehemently opposed to what he would call the 'Bavarian Diktat'- in exchange for the removal of Otto von Lossow and Gustav von Kahr from relevant positions, the Bavarian government would see the current military governor replaced with a more 'approachable' one.

Such a move would be seen positively by the BVP as they supported von Kahr, and both men would soon seek to join the DNRP for the ensuing elections, carrying forth momentum to the young party through the unstable era of Weimar.

It was with the formation of the second Marx cabinet that things took a major shift for the worst for the 'old Party system'. With Zentrum's influence waning, and the prospect of new coalitions out of the way, an election was mustered for December 1924. Himmler was once again 'in the trenches', working hard to consolidate a coalition with the BVP and the acquisition of more slices of the other nationalist electorates. Through the campaign, Himmler secured what he defined 'a chance to push reforms'. At this point, Himmler had no plans to secure the government, and his estimations proved to be correct.

The 'Bavarian Right' Coalition secured 76 seats, a combination of the DNRP's 58 seats and BVP's 18 seats. And, once again, both parties abstained from accepting any coalition offer. Tempting was the DNVP as they were willing to offer several important ministries to the DNRP, but Himmler refused again. Many center-right newspapers called this a 'reckless behavior', but Himmler's view was espoused by Historians on the topic.

"Once again, we can't debase our own politics. In a time like this, none of the parties that seek to have us in the government wants to truly accept us. We are numbers to them, and they seek to continue their own set of reckless politics to purposely appease what can't truly be appeased."

Despite this opposition, the fall of the Second Marx Ministry was followed with the creation of the technocratic government led by Hans Luther. The majority secured by Luther would be enough to lead for a relatively stable first ministry. Himmler would be vehemently opposed to any proposal in regard to foreign matters, yet refrain from truly assaulting the proposals by focusing more on reinforcing the current gains.

The primary purpose of the Bavarian Right coalition was not to attain a governing force, but to enforce policies on the local level. Bavaria had been damaged by the hyper-inflation like other German regions, yet the efforts focused on restoring the agricultural economy.

Funds coming through donations and taxes were soon fueling projects to improve the economic reach of farms-related jobs, but also an expansion on agricultural industry to favor a mechanization of Bavarian Agriculture. This move not only pleased the reluctant representatives of the BVP about Himmler's genuine interest in expanding German prosperity through careful understanding of each region's needs, but also consolidated the powerbase the coalition was based around.

In fact, through this process and the spread of the news through radio and newspapers of the speeches and reports in regard to the improvements recurring in the Bavarian Right's local leadership and the establishment of new regulations to preserve workers' rights in industries, more peasant-based parties which manifested in Saxony and Hannover started to look into unifying with the coalition. Not before too long, Himmler had increased the support of his party through a large reach within Germany… and yet refused to commit any aggressive action towards the government.

Speeches were kept to a degree of control in regard to preventing potential counter-speeches from the governing coalitions, but Himmler didn't refrain from allowing some of his party's 'loose-cannons' to take care of the Nazis. Hitler's release and the reconsolidation of the far-right parties into the NSDAP was followed by an intense campaign to suppress them. Accidents, shouting contests in the middle of speeches and so on.

Any chance for the resurging Nazis to cement their return was denied through intense actions. Although the government considered acting on this, many politicians such as Wilhelm Marx and Kuno von Westarp found it more beneficial to let it be to 'keep Himmler distracted'. What they didn't expect was for this to be a mistake. Especially when the 1925 Presidential Elections saw former Imperial Marshal Paul von Hindenburg being supported by the Bavarian Right coalition.

With a loyal president that owed them a favor, many political commentators expected the NDRP to pursue a potential 'coup' through a sudden coalition expansion by claiming the desperate DNVP, yet Himmler refrained from pushing this early on. His diary mentions the worry that the current air was not comfortable to assert a government just yet, and he needed to 'let them cook'. Such a statement would become a renown slang for the Himmlerites within the notion of 'let my foes undo themselves with their own actions and words'.

In a sense, it would be correct to say that Himmler led a four years-long electoral campaign through his careful planning and actions, with his 'Cult of Personality' expanding as a 'man devoted to Germany' and 'someone that knew where the pain was and was willing to employ good people to fix them for the German people and not for the sake of the foreign powers'. With the Locarno Treaty having poisoned the support for the Zentrum-led coalition, the 1928 Elections saw the killing blow for the major parties.

At the wake of the electoral campaign, Himmler and the BVP leadership announced a merger. Policies were meshed in the newly-reformed NDRP, with the former BVP maintained in charge of Bavarian affairs while the NDRP formed new pseudo-parties that represented its reach all over the German federal states. This decision, a stunning one for many that expected the coalition to persist through these elections too, was the alarm bell for a massive change. And as the results hit the papers, shock hit Berlin at what came out of it.

But as the euphoria struck Germany as a whole for the new government's formation, Himmler gave a speech at the Reichstag that gained a degree of fright from those that expected good words from him.

"My dear people, Germany is in danger even as a new age dawns upon us all. As we speak, we approach ever so closely to a potential worldwide market crash led by the perfidious exploiters in America. But it's not a specific group based on social constructs, on race, on religion or even ideological thought. Those that hide away in the common skin of a capitalist, of investors and bankers- these people are far from human in the sense of morality as they seek all forms of depravity as pleasure for themselves. They enjoy the pain of others, they enjoy the suffering of those that are weaker than them, may they be the common folk, the elderly and even the children! I tell you now, with utmost conviction and incredible dedication to my mandate, that Germany shall at once be ready for the massive wave that shall come from this. Germany will be strong and shall not collapse ever again. Ein Führer, ein Volk, ein Deutschland!"

The announcement would stir some perplexity on the proclamation, but Himmler's swift drafting of laws in the matter of economics raised the alarm for many parties' economists. As the announcement spread through the continent, US President Herbert Hoover made a counter-speech accusing the new Chancellor of 'ruining US relationships with Europe with this slander' and 'promising that such a claim was preposterous and false at best'.

This would calm things a bit in Europe but… a year later, the Great Depression would prove Himmler right.

>>3668
Found the mogus

>>3713
Stonetoss really fell off, huh?

>>3715
This is an improvement

>>3672
nice one XAVIER

>NuDev aka NuAdmin aka Molchat aka Shadow aka Admin Thrembo aka Floot aka Giggly Goonclown has left this vantablack NAS troonslop BRIMSTONE on the 'log for over an hour
Never been more over